Hold on a second here.
The risk of Bush attacking Iran is not yet over.
When the National Intelligence Estimate on Iran came out earlier this week, a lot of people jumped to the conclusion that Cheney and the hardliners have lost, and so we can all breathe a sigh of relief.
Well, I’m not exhaling at the moment.
Because I still believe Bush and Cheney are going to do the deed.
First, let’s examine what Bush said at his Tuesday press conference:
“Iran was dangerous, Iran is dangerous, and Iran will be dangerous if they have the knowledge necessary to make a nuclear weapon.”
Note well that he didn’t say Iran will be dangerous when it acquires such a weapon, but prior to that, when it acquires the knowledge to make one. That’s a big difference, and it shortens the timetable laid out in the NIE, which doubted Iran would have such a weapon until 2015.
Who knows when Iran will have the “knowledge to make” one? Maybe it has that knowledge already and lacks only the technical sophistication.
Bush’s new definition allows him to denounce Iran at almost any time on the nuclear issue.
He reiterated that “Iran needs to be taken seriously as a threat to peace,” adding: “My opinion hasn’t changed.” And he remained as macho as ever in boasting that he wouldn’t allow Iran to acquire such a weapon while he’s around.
“If Iran shows up with a nuclear weapon at some point in time, the world is going to say, what happened to them in 2007? How come they couldn’t see the impending danger?” He added five more similar rhetorical questions, and concluded by saying: “It’s not going to happen on my watch.” He also said yet again that “the best diplomacy” is when “all options are on the table.”
Second, let’s put the nuclear issue to the side for a moment. There are other pretexts that Bush can seize upon.
The 2006 U.S. National Security Strategy says point-blank that “we face no greater challenge from a single country than from Iran.”
And its discussion of this challenge is not limited to the issues of Iran’s nuclear capabilities.
“As important as are these nuclear issues, the United States has broader concerns regarding Iran,” the document states. “The Iranian regime sponsors terrorism; threatens Israel; seeks to thwart Middle East peace; disrupts democracy in Iraq; and denies the aspirations of its people for freedom. The nuclear issue and our other concerns can ultimately be resolved only if the Iranian regime makes the strategic decision to change these policies, open up its political system, and afford freedom to its people. This is the ultimate goal of U.S. policy.”
The United States won’t be able to attain that goal while Ahmedinejad is in power, and beyond that, while the mullahs are in power.
In essence, the National Security Strategy commits the United States to regime change in Iran.
And Congress, thanks to that resolution Hillary Clinton signed on to, has already designated Iran as an enemy at war with the United States, since it states that Iran is waging a “proxy war” against our forces in Iraq.
It very well may be that the intelligence agencies and the Pentagon convinced the propaganda peddlers in the White House that they can’t make the sale on Iran’s nuclear threat. Instead, they’ll hype—in fact, they’re already hyping—Iran’s role in Iraq.
Bush could have U.S. forces kidnap and kill Iranians in Iraq or send U.S. troops into Iranian territory—all in hopes of inciting retaliation from Iran.
Then Bush and Cheney could skip off together to another war in the Middle East.
Don’t rule it out.
